country can be perpetuated, or even preserved
for any considerable time
 
As it is only by means of a well regulated 
standing army, that a civilized country can 
be defended, so it is only by means of it that 
a barbarous country can be suddenly and tolerably 
civilised. A standing army establishes
with an irresistible force, the law 
of the sovereign through the remotest provinces 
of the empire, and maintains some degree 
of regular government in countries 
which could not otherwise admit of any. 
Whoever examines with attention, the improvements 
which Peter the Great introduced 
into the Russian empire, will find that they 
almost all resolve themselves into the establishment 
of a well regulated standing army
It is the instrument which executes and maintains 
all his other regulations. That degree 
of order and internal peace, which that empire 
has ever since enjoyed, is altogether owing 
to the influence of that army
 
Men of republican principles have been 
jealous of a standing army, as dangerous to 
liberty. It certainly is so, wherever the interest 
of the general, and that of the principal 
officers, are not necessarily connected with 
the support of the constitution of the state. 
The standing army of C├Žsar destroyed the 
Roman republic. The standing army of 
Cromwell turned the long parliament out of 
doors. But where the sovereign is himself 
the general, and the principal nobility and 
gentry of the country the chief officers of the 
army; where the military force is placed under 
the command of those who have the 
greatest interest in the support of the civil 
authority, because they have themselves the 
greatest share of that authority, a standing 
army can never be dangerous to liberty. On 
the contrary, it may, in some cases, be favourable 
to liberty. The security which it 
gives to the sovereign renders unnecessary 
that troublesome jealousy, which, in some 
modern republics, seems to watch over the 
minutest actions, and to be at all times ready 
to disturb the peace of every citizen. Where 
the security of the magistrate, though supported 
by the principal people of the country
is endangered by every popular discontent; 
where a small tumult is capable of bringing 
about in a few hours a great revolution, the 
whole authority of government must be employed 
to suppress and punish every murmur 
and complaint against it. To a sovereign
on the contrary, who feels himself supported
not only by the natural aristocracy of the 
country, but by a well regulated standing 
army, the rudest, the most groundless, and 
the must licentious remonstrances, can give 
little disturbance. He can safely pardon or 
neglect them, and his consciousness of his 
own superiority naturally disposes him to do 
so. That degree of liberty which approaches 
to licentiousness, can be tolerated only in 
countries where the sovereign is secured by a 
well regulated standing army. It is in such 
countries only, that the public safety does 
not require that the sovereign should be trusted 
with any discretionary power, for suppressing 
even the impertinent wantonness of this 
licentious liberty
 
The first duty of the sovereign, therefore, 
that of defending the society from the violence 
and injustice of other independent societies
grows gradually more and more expensive
as the society advances in civilization
The military force of the society
which originally cost the sovereign no expense
either in time of peace, or in time of 
war, must, in the progress of improvement, 
first be maintained by him in time of war
and afterwards even in time of peace
 
The great change introduced into the art 
of war by the invention of fire-arms, has enhanced 
still further both the expense of exercising 
and disciplining any particular number 
of soldiers in time of peace, and that of employing 
them in time of war. Both their 
arms and their ammunition are become more 
expensive. A musket is a more expensive 
machine than a javelin or a bow and arrows
a cannon or a mortar, than a balista or a catapulta
The powder which is spent in a 
modern review is lost irrecoverably, and occasions 
a very considerable expense. The 
javelins and arrows which were thrown or 
shot in an ancient one, could easily be picked 
up again, and were, besides, of very little 
value. The cannon and the mortar are not 
only much dearer, but much heavier machines 
than the balista or catapulta; and require
greater expense, not only to prepare them for 
the field, but to carry them to it. As the 
superiority of the modern artillery, too, over 
that of the ancients, is very grant; it has become 
much more difficult, and consequently 
much more expensive, to fortify a town, so 
as to resist, even for a few weeks, the attack 
of that superior artillery. In modern times
many different causes contribute to render the 
defence of the society more expensive. The 
unavoidable effects of the natural progress of 
improvement have, in this respect, been a 
good deal enhanced by a great revolution in 
the the art of war, to which a mere accident, the 
invention of gunpowder, seems to have given 
occasion
 
In modern war, the great expense of fire-arms 
gives an evident advantage to the nation 
which can best afford that expense; and 
consequently, to an opulent and civilized
over a poor and barbarous nation. In ancient 
times, the opulent and civilized found 
it difficult to defend themselves against the 
poor and barbarous nations. In modern 
times, the poor and barbarous find it difficult 
to defend themselves against the opulent and