and Jutland, and corn from almost all 
the different countries of Europe. A small 
quantity of manufactured produce, purchases 
a great quantity of rude produce. A trading 
and manufacturing country, therefore, naturally 
purchases, with a small part of its manufactured 
produce, a great part of the rude 
produce of other countries; while, on the 
contrary, a country without trade and manufactures 
is generally obliged to purchase, at 
the expense of a great part of its rude produce
a very small part of the manufactured 
produce of other countries. The one exports 
what can subsist and accommodate but a very 
few, and imports the subsistence and accommodation 
of a great number. The other exports 
the accommodation and subsistence of a 
great number, and imports that of a very 
few only. The inhabitants of the one must 
always enjoy a much greater quantity of subsistence 
than what their own lands, in the 
actual state of their cultivation, could afford. 
The inhabitants of the other most always enjoy 
a much smaller quantity. 
This system, however, with all its imperfections
is perhaps the nearest approximation 
to the truth that has yet been published upon 
the subject of political economy; and is upon 
that account, well worth the consideration of 
every man who wishes to examine with attention 
the principles of that very important 
science. Though in representing the labour 
which is employed upon land as the only productive 
labour, the notions which it inculcates 
are, perhaps, too narrow and confined
yet in representing the wealth of nations as 
consisting, not in the unconsumable riches of 
money, but in the consumable goods annually 
reproduced by the labour of the society
and in representing perfect liberty as the only 
effectual expedient for rendering this annual 
reproduction the greatest possible, its doctrine 
seems to be in every respect as just as it 
is generous and liberal. Its followers are 
very numerous; and as men are fond of paradoxes, 
and of appearing to understand what 
surpasses the comprehensions of ordinary people
the paradox which it maintains, concerning 
the unproductive nature of manufacturing 
labour, has not, perhaps, contributed a little 
to increase the number of its admirers. They 
have for some years past made a pretty considerable 
sect, distinguished in the French 
republic of letters by the name of the Economists. 
Their works have certainly been of 
some service to their country; not only by 
bringing into general discussion, many subjects 
which had never been well examined 
before, but by influencing, in some measure, 
the public administration in favour 
of agriculture. It has been in consequence 
of their representations, accordingly, that the 
agriculture of France has been delivered from 
several of the oppressions which it before laboured 
under. The term, during which such 
a lease can be granted, as will be valid against 
every future purchaser or proprietor of the 
land, has been prolonged from nine to twenty-seven 
years. The ancient provincial restraints 
upon the transportation of corn from one province 
of the kingdom to another, have been 
entirely taken away; and the liberty of exporting 
it to all foreign countries, has been 
established as the common law of the kingdom 
in all ordinary cases. This sect, in their 
works, which are very numerous, and which 
treat not only of what is properly called Political 
Economy, or of the nature and causes of 
the wealth of nations, but of every other 
branch of the system of civil government, all 
follow implicitly, and without any sensible 
variation, the doctrine of Mr. Quesnai
There is, upon this account, little variety in 
the greater part of their works. The most 
distinct and best connected account of this 
doctrine is to be found in a little book written 
by Mr. Mercier de la Riviere, some time intendant 
of Martinico, entitled, The natural and 
essential Order of Political Societies. The 
admiration of this whole sect for their master, 
who was himself a man of the greatest modesty 
and simplicity, is not inferior to that of 
any of the ancient philosophers for the founders 
of their respective systems. 'There have 
been since the world began,' says a very diligent 
and respectable author, the Marquis de 
Mirabeau, 'three great inventions which have 
principally given stability to political societies
independent of many other inventions which 
have enriched and adorned them. The first 
is the invention of writing, which alone gives 
human nature the power of transmitting, 
without alteration, its laws, its contracts, its 
annals, and its discoveries. The second is 
the invention of money, which binds together 
all the relations between civilized societies
The third is the economical table, the result 
of the other two, which completes them both 
by perfecting their object; the great discovery 
of our age, but of which our posterity will 
reap the benefit.' 
As the political economy of the nations of 
modern Europe has been more favourable to 
manufactures and foreign trade, the industry 
of the towns, than to agriculture, the industry 
of the country; so that of other nations 
has followed a different plan, and has been 
more favourable to agriculture than to manufactures 
and foreign trade. 
The policy of China favours agriculture 
more than all other employments. In China, 
the condition of a labourer is said to be as 
much superior to that of an artificer, as in 
most parts of Europe that of an artificer is to 
that of a labourer. In China, the great ambition 
of every man is to get possession of a 
little bit of land, either in property or in 
lease; and leases are there said to be granted 
upon very moderate terms, and to be sufficiently 
secured to the lessees. The Chinese have